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Fugger: History of Weiburg part I
Rise and fall of the Weiburg of the Towers with an aside on the first succession crisis/ by Johan Fugger Over three centuries of its existence, city of Weiburg came to be artistic, intellectual and, above all, commercial jewel of all the northern lands. For three generations it has overshadowed all the cities of Oranje and was considered rival to Miskoltz itself. Without ever being formally part of the empire, its innovations have forever changed imperial politics, imperial trade and imperial technology. Once thought militarily impregnable it fell and was destroyed in one of the briefest military campaigns in history. To us here, legacy of Weiburg remains a pivotal, if too often ignored, concern, because the most complete preserved part of that legacy is Neu Ungren herself. Both the founding of Weiburg and its eventual demise are shrouded in layers of mystery and it is unlikely that we will ever truly understand the motivations of principal actors in either of those momentous events. Few facts however are incontrovertible: Weiburg was founded in early summer of the year 8.tim.rdm sometimes referred to as the 340th year Yrdisi Autokratoria – since the founding of the empire. It was founded by an organized settlement expedition led by Gregor denGhoor, an eccentric merchant-cum-minor noble from Hoch Onderdak in Oranje uplands. DenGhoor’s expedition was exceptionally well funded and prepared. So much so, that it exceeds the resources that he would have been able to muster by himself. It has long been assumed that the number of merchant houses of northern Oranje collaborated towards the establishment of a trading post in Poltana valley, outside imperial boundaries, in order to reduce the risks of legendarily dangerous route through Heidalles Mountains between Breda and the Smelter. If this assumption is correct, it was not in the interest of either the backers or the nascent city herself to ever name the invested families or to formalize the trading privileges they may have enjoyed. As a result, denGhoor’s is the only name directly associated with the enterprise. Although commercial considerations were important – they should not make us ignore the religious motivation which was almost certainly dominant among the 7,000 or so colonists who accompanied denGhoor on his dangerous journey. Then as now, uplands of Oranje were a heartland of a Machomatic heresy which holds that the conflict against the Demons is perpetually ongoing regardless of the spiritual victories of Yrzabel and the military ones of St. Allen. In the aftermath of the council of Khoros which set the foundations of our today’s true church – this relative neglect of the unique role of Yrzabel was considered spiritually dangerous and great effort was put into peaceful conversion of the uplands with decidedly mixed success. One of the curious hybrids between Machomatism and Khorian orthodoxy was the sect of Kharoites. Like orthodox believers, Kharoites believe that Yrzabell and his sons dealt a unique and crippling blow to the demons. However, they also took seriously the injunction that even in the greatest of victories Demons can at best be only crippled and bound to their previous places of power. As Machomatists they believed that even in these crippled, bound, forms demons can act through human proxies to – over time - diminish or eliminate their disadvantages. In contrast to Machomatists however, Kharoites believed that in the long run immortal singularity of purpose will ensure demonic victory – regardless of how hard humans fight back – as long as principal demons enjoy the access to nearly infinite supply of potential servants. What Khaorites recommended, instead of Machomatic paladin-orders, was sometimes referred to as “the Ungren solution”: whereby most of the old cities dating from pre-imperial times as well as important fortresses and other seats of power, were to be abandoned as centers of habitation and new settlements erected as far as possible from these sources of corruption. Miskoltz, Catta, Adelphos, Gyr, Freiburg and Breda were specifically named as potential sources of great danger. By the end of the succession of Kyrian emperors, suppression of Machomatism became less of a priority and the urbane clergy of the empire with glee and relief pushed for the severance of any ties between orthodoxy and the Khaorites. Nonetheless, in a vein of most heresies, Khaoritism persisted and even spread from its upland heartlands and has limited number of adherents even to the present day. Founding of a brand new city on a virgin soil of Poltana valley, separated by a mountain wall from the lands once held by demons was a religious grail to the Khaorites who additionally had a strong motivation to emigrate due to increasing intolerance of their creed by both orthodox establishment and the Machomatic majority. DenGhoor himself was well known as a Kharoite and it is almost certain that a significant number of the initial settlers were either outright members or the sympathizers of the sect. While grueling, journey of seven thousand people through Heidalles in springtime was more fortuitous then one could have expected. Route was well planned ahead by denGhoor and his close associates and with less than hundred lives lost the settlers reached the Ervin saddle on the High Pass mere two months after their departure from Onderdak. At this point a digression on the geography of Poltana valley is in order. River Poltana is fed by the glaciers of the upper, impassable reaches of High Heidalles. It falls in torrent of waterfalls until it reaches a series of valleys and trenches at a point where High Heidalles meet the mountain range that rises from the uplands of Oranje. That mountain range was often included into Low Heidalles although strictly speaking that moniker should be applied only to the lower branches of Heidalles chain itself, rather than to the separate chain that ended up crashing into Heidalles with such a vivid mark of separation. First of the valleys to receive the waters of Poltana, despite being at the highest elevation, had sufficient depth to allow the river to accumulate into a deep, clear lake. In springtime, lake would often break its banks, watering the shores and depositing soil stripped of the higher mountain sides. As a result, Poltana valley was lush, fertile land, albeit exposed to the dangerous, torrential river. Valley itself had long, cold, snowy winters and damp springs with frequent floods. On the other hand it also had rich, fruitful summers when the forests filled with game and fields with wheat and short but magnificent autumns celebrated in so many paintings. To the east there were two exits from the valley. Safer and more frequently used one climbed north-eastwardly almost as high as the permanent snow line along the broad clear slope where sparse fir trees gave way to meadows. This road, named High Pass of old due to its extraordinarily high altitude, eventually narrowed down between two craggy peaks and crossed the ridge-line at the place called Ervin saddle before following slowly widening but equally steady and predictable slope down the eastern slope towards Oranje uplands. Baring extraordinarily bad weather, high pass was open for about three months of the year – from the end of thaw to the first snows. This narrow window was a principal reason why a trade outpost at Poltana lake was of such an importance. Even the most alacritous mountaineer could not hope reliably to pass the Ervin saddle in spring, reach Smelter and return back before it closes for the winter. For a relatively cautious trader that meant, not only wintering in Smelter itself at considerable expense but having to time the spring-time return just so as to hit the window of passage without exposing oneself to the torrents accompanying the melt in the Low Heidalles above the Smelter. With the possibility of wintering in Poltana valley, caravans would take early window through high pass, proceed at pace to Smelter and take early fall route back to the lake. They would be too late for the pass, but would stay in the valley till late spring and proceed back to Oranje in as much safety as one can ask for in the high mountains. This route, taking almost exactly half as long as a tedious overland track south-west from Gyr and then towards Balaton, Gollenburg and up the Tierz river, was a justification for the founding of Weiburg and for the most of its existence remained pivotal to its commercial ascendancy. Second eastwardly exit from Poltana valley had much wider window of passage but was infinitely more dangerous for a burdened or inexperienced traveller. Gaining mere hundred meters of elevation from the lake-shore it followed a long-dried riverbed down a series of cliff-side cascades and murderous ravines, tumbling down more than three miles of elevation loss towards the upper reaches of the mighty Arvil which collects all the waters of the Oranje uplands. Those willing to take the risks of the “low pass” could make it from Weiburg to Onderdak in two weeks or less but would be doing so on foot with no beasts of burden except possibly the nimblest of mules and through terrain which, through landslides falls and injuries regularly exacted the grim toll from even the most experienced travelers. Towards the Smelter to west and south there was a number of roads, most of them aiming to join Tierz near the mines of Gornik and then follow the broad river as it winds it way through the devastation of Pustolina. Main danger on this leg of the journey where the raiding parties of the Volke clans who had no love towards the Metallurgists nor their “guests” from the East. It was the pacification of these wild mountains that originally motivated the creation of the legendary Army of the Valley and the Hill which will bestride the north-west of the civilized world for near three centuries. To the north of course there were no exits. Madmen and explorers would occasionally attempt the ascent into the High Heidalles and the few who returned were the lucky ones who were discouraged by a freak storm or an avalanche early in their expedition into the freezing, chocking whiteness of the end of the world. In order to avoid being drawn to any previous human habitation, notwithstanding the fact that except for occasional Volke hunting camp there has never been a known human settlements in Poltana valley, tradition has it that denGhoor released his donkey Weiss shortly after crossing the High Pass and swore to found a city wherever the animal first stops for a rest. If the donkey story is in fact not apocryphal then settlers were exceedingly lucky in their ass’ choice. City was founded on the south-eastern side of the lake, away from the main rush of Poltana. Valley at this point was near its narrowest and eventually outer city walls of Weiburg stretched as twin ribbons all the way from the lake-shore to the mountain edge with another line of small fortifications hanging on the eastern cliff sides guarding the high positions above the city. Seven thousand quickly set to work, felling the tall trees and quarrying the large jut of rock on the north end of the valley that was soon to become known as Ghoor’s gout. Before the winter came first foundations of Weissburg, soon renamed to Weiburg by Volke traders incapable of pronouncing oranje “ss” sound, were laid and they were laid solid. In short succession more settler groups arrived. At the outset city relied on the imports and hunting for food supply but by the third year already the substantial part of the lakeshore and near interior of the valley was cleared out and subdivided into even 180 acre yeomen farms. This is the point where I should address the political administration of the city. Weiburg was deliberately founded outside the borders of the Empire and never acknowledged its suzerainty, although it has on several occasions accepted and rejected the status of dependent ally. Even more unusually, it rejected the notion of aristocracy and the land-owning class. All the land, including the land in the city proper and the agricultural and forested land in the valley outside, belonged to the city. Agricultural land was leased to the free men on 40 year renewable leases. Customarily but not always, tenants would also agree to assume citizenship of Weiburg and pay appropriate taxes. Combined lease and citizenship tax was a ferocious levy, sometimes exceeding 1000 Skud a year worth and for many farms it took years before much more than seed and starvation level reserves were left over after the harvest time. However, with it came full enjoyment of the land free of any military or work service. Furthermore, levy was settled in advance at a fixed cost and was never increased to a paying tenant – even at the time of lease renewals. Those farmers who elected to pay the citizenship tax also enjoyed full and free access to the swift and broadly just, if proverbially brutal, legal system. As a consequence, a successful farmer could keep and reinvest all of his surplus without fear of rapacious tax collector. One thing they were not allowed though is to invest their surplus into additional leases. 180 acres was the least and the most city of Weiburg would ever allow a single family to control. As a consequence, no one in Weiburg got rich from farming, but many of its prominent citizens did begin their rise as successful yeomen farmers. One way in which Weiburg farmers were disenfranchised is that they had no political representation in city government. Weiburg pioneered the use of Centuries as the building block of civic government. Although Onderdak and several other Oranje cities claim precedence in this matter, Weiburg was indisputably the first city where Centuries enjoyed true sovereign power and a great deal of executive might. Five centuries of Weiburg were organized on the vocational basis: Makers, Builders, Soldiers, Traders and Thinkers. Each century had exactly one vote, based on the majority of the votes cast within the century itself. Any decision required exactly three or more votes. Centuries also elected 17 guardians, three from each century and two from the population at large who were authorized to act as day-to-day government on centuries behalf. Guardians served at the pleasure of the centuries rather than for a fixed term and could be revoked or countermanded without warning in any meeting of the centuries. In secrecy, Guardians appointed a select number of citizens as “dogs” giving them a duty to protect the city and keep the peace. Process by which dogs were appointed, and the rules under which they operated, was a closely held secret and as a result lots of wild speculation about them persists. What is known is that each dog was recruited by two plain-faced Guardians in presence of four more masked ones who served as witnesses. A new recruit would be given a distinctive iron medallion, to be worn secretly and a corresponding but not identical tattoo. Possession of a matching pair entitled the bearer to immunity from any court, barring that of the full centuries themselves except in the case of dismissal by the two Guardians who have recruited them in the first place. Appointment was generally for life except in instances where one of the appointing Guardians was no longer in office and no other willing co-sponsor could be found. Dogs were charged with suppressing and eliminating internal and external enemies of the city, with espionage and counter-espionage and, in particular, with eradication of those who would threaten the constitutional arrangements of the city. The number of “dogs” grew, from 30 when they were first mentioned, few decades after the founding, to over seven hundred in the paranoid last years of the city. Centuries also appointed, from within their own numbers, number of judges to settle the disputes among the citizens and judge those crimes that did not meet with swifter justice meted out by dogs. Contrary to Guardian position, judge was elected for life and had to divest themselves from all property and move, for life, to a sumptuous palace of justice to be maintained, in every luxury, at the civic expense. A recall of a straying or corrupt judge was usually left to the dogs. With some notable exceptions judges tended to be elected from the century members who were unmarried and had no close family in the city. As in all other matters, centuries voting in full could countermand any judicial order or, in fact, decide to hold trials of specific individuals for any reason. Over time, judges came to rely on the force of paid enforcers – bailiffs, who also grew in number over time, counting, eventually, almost two thousand men. Finally, there was the Army of the Valley and the Hill. Original plan was for the city to have professional citizen army paid out of city coffers and represented in Soldier century whose head was traditionally the head general of the army. It soon became clear that no such army would be adequate for vast task of protecting the western routes and threatening and pacifying numerous Volke clans which ebbed and waned in the Low Heidalles and as far north up Tierz as anyone dared to go. Every now and then charismatic chieftains would affect brief unity and at those times in particular both Smelter and Weiburg, to say nothing of civilized Riverlands would need as much military protection as they could possibly muster. Unwilling to reach out to the Empire for any sort of military aid, Weiburg eventually settled on boosting its citizen army with the mercenaries, taken, mostly, from the ranks of the very Volke tribesmen that presented the threat. Great deal of political skill and cunning went into understanding complex and ephemeral clannish and tribal loyalties in a way that enabled the Weiburg to ascertain when and to what extent the tribal auxiliaries can be used. Even greater deal of treasure and diplomacy went into eventually tying up the loyalty of the best among the auxila to the city itself and to its army. Eventually, some sixty years after the founding of the city, Weiburg finally begun offering the citizenship to distinguished mercenaries soldiers willing to pay substantial part of their wages in infamous citizenship levies. This was a wild success and within a generation, Volke, whether soldiers, retired soldiers or their children came to be second largest linguistic group in the city and disproportionately represented among both officers and members of the soldiers’ century. In the last two hundred years of city’s existence, there were only three recorded non-Volke heads of the Soldier’s century. To city’s credit, throughout its entire history there has been not a single case of an organized mutiny or betrayal by either its mercenary or naturalized military contingent. In terms of the actual politics of the centuries, Builders and Makers traditionally voted together and the prevailing hardnosed policies of heavy internal taxation, religious non-interference and self-interested foreign policy are all associated with their dominance of civic politics. Only occasionally would the remaining three centuries gang together to temporarily break their stranglehold on power. Six guild masters (four Makers and two Builders) who were often able to influence the votes of their respective centuries were traditionally considered the most powerful people in the city, although even they on occasions did not escape the scrutiny of the dogs. While the rules under which the Centuries themselves operated were exceptionally simple, principles under which people were elected into the Centuries and the networks of influence that coursed through them and governed their internal votes were supposed to be so byzantine as to put the politics of the imperial court to shame. Rather than being voted in by all members of the representing vocation, memberships were allocated to specific guilds and sub-organization (including specific units in case of Soldier’s century) including arcane rules for periodic re-allocation based on a myriad of disputable factors. Ever introspective, Weiburg was obsessed with the workings of this elaborate apparatus of government and out of few works of literature which remain from its golden period, all but one use centurial elections as important elements of the plot. Unsurprisingly, aside from the usual perks of political power and limited patronage, in the city with no aristocracy, election to the Centuries was an important status symbol – measure of arrival for the newly rich, recognition of skill and valor for a distinguished soldier or an opportunity for practical thought for a scholar of note. I will say no more on this complex subject and will refer the reader to numerous documents both original and derived on the subject that can still be found in our College. ____ See also: History of Weiburg part II